-舌尖上的智慧——奥巴马演讲精选 ▪ 新东方大愚英语学习丛书
        -The Audacity of Hope
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -Tonight is a particular honor for me because, let’s face it, my presence on this stage is pretty unlikely. My father was a foreign student, born and raised in a small village in Kenya. He grew up herding goats, went to school in a tin-roof shack. His father—my grandfather—was a cook, a domestic servant to the British. But my grandfather had larger dreams for his son. Through hard work and perseverance my father got a scholarship to study in a magical place, America, that shone as a beacon[2] of freedom and opportunity to so many who had come before.
        -While studying here, my father met my mother. She was born in a town on the other side of the world, in Kansas. Her father worked on oil rigs[3] and farms through most of the Depression. The day after Pearl Harbor my grandfather signed up for duty; joined Patton[4]’s army, marched across Europe. Back home, my grandmother raised a baby and went to work on a bomber assembly line. After the war, they studied on the GI Bill[5], bought a house through FHA[6], and later moved west all the way to Hawaii in search of opportunity. And they, too, had big dreams for their daughter. A common dream, born of two continents.
        -My parents shared not only an improbable love, they shared an abiding faith in the possibilities of this nation. They would give me an African name, Barack, or “blessed”, believing that in a tolerant America your name is no barrier to success. They imagined—They imagined me going to the best schools in the land, even though they weren’t rich, because in a generous America you don’t have to be rich to achieve your potential. They’re both passed away now. And yet, I know that on this night they look down on me with great pride.
        -And I stand here today, grateful for the diversity of my heritage, aware that my parents’ dreams live on in my two precious daughters. I stand here knowing that my story is part of the larger American story, that I owe a debt to all of those who came before me, and that, in no other country on earth, is my story even possible. Tonight, we gather to affirm the greatness of our Nation—not because of the height of our skyscrapers, or the power of our military, or the size of our economy. Our pride is based on a very simple premise, summed up in a declaration made over two hundred years ago:
        -That is the true genius of America, a faith in simple dreams, an insistence on small miracles; that we can tuck in[7] our children at night and know that they are fed and clothed and safe from harm; that we can say what we think, write what we think, without hearing a sudden knock on the door; that we can have an idea and start our own business without paying a bribe; that we can participate in the political process without fear of retribution[8], and that our votes will be counted—at least most of the time. This year, in this election we are called to reaffirm our values and our commitments, to hold them against a hard reality and see how we’re measuring up to the legacy of our forbearers and the promise of future generations.
        -And fellow Americans, Democrats, Republicans, Independents, I say to you tonight: We have more work to do — more work to do for the workers I met in Galesburg, Illinois, who are losing their union jobs at the Maytag plant that’s moving to Mexico, and now are having to compete with their own children for jobs that pay seven bucks an hour; more to do for the father that I met who was losing his job and choking back the tears, wondering how he would pay 4,500 dollars a month for the drugs his son needs without the health benefits that he counted on; more to do for the young woman in East St. Louis, and thousands more like her, who has the grades, has the drive, has the will, but doesn’t have the money to go to college. Now, don’t get me wrong. The people I meet—in small towns and big cities, in diners and office parks—they don’t expect government to solve all their problems. They know they have to work hard to get ahead, and they want to. Go into the collar counties around Chicago, and people will tell you they don’t want their tax money wasted, by a welfare agency or by the Pentagon. Go in any inner city neighborhood, and folks will tell you that government alone can’t teach our kids to learn; they know that parents have to teach, that children can’t achieve unless we raise their expectations and turn off the television sets and eradicate the slander[9] that says a black youth with a book is acting white. They know those things.
        -People don’t expect government to solve all their problems. But they sense, deep in their bones, that with just a slight change in priorities, we can make sure that every child in America has a decent shot at life, and that the doors of opportunity remain open to all. They know we can do better. And they want that choice.
        -In this election, we offer that choice. Our Party has chosen a man to lead us who embodies the best this country has to offer. And that man is John Kerry[10]. John Kerry understands the ideals of community, faith, and service because they’ve defined his life. From his heroic service to Vietnam, to his years as a prosecutor and lieutenant governor, through two decades in the United States Senate, he’s devoted himself to this country. Again and again, we’ve seen him make tough choices when easier ones were available.
        -His values and his record affirm what is best in us. John Kerry believes in an America where hard work is rewarded; so instead of offering tax breaks to companies shipping jobs overseas, he offers them to companies creating jobs here at home.
        -Now let me be clear. Let me be clear. We have real enemies in the world. These enemies must be found. They must be pursued. And they must be defeated. John Kerry knows this. And just as Lieutenant Kerry did not hesitate to risk his life to protect the men who served with him in Vietnam, President Kerry will not hesitate one moment to use our military might to keep America safe and secure. John Kerry believes in America. And he knows that it’s not enough for just some of us to prosper—for alongside our famous individualism, there’s another ingredient in the American saga,. a belief that we’re all connected as one people. If there is a child on the south side of Chicago who can’t read, that matters to me, even if it’s not my child. If there is a senior citizen somewhere who can’t pay for their prescription drugs, and having to choose between medicine and the rent, that makes my life poorer, even if it’s not my grandparent. If there’s an Arab American family being rounded up[12] without benefit of an attorney or due process, that threatens my civil liberties.
        -It is that fundamental belief—I am my brother’s keeper; I am my sister’s keeper—that makes this country work. It’s what allows us to pursue our individual dreams and yet still come together as one American family. E pluribus unum[13]: “Out of many, one.”
        -Now even as we speak, there are those who are preparing to divide us—the spin masters, the negative ad peddlers[14] who embrace the politics of “anything goes.” Well, I say to them tonight, there is not a liberal America and a conservative America—there is the United States of America. There is not a Black America and a White America and Latino America and Asian America—there’s the United States of America.
        -I believe that we have a righteous wind at our backs and that as we stand on the crossroads of history, we can make the right choices, and meet the challenges that face us. America! Tonight, if you feel the same energy that I do, if you feel the same urgency that I do, if you feel the same passion that I do, if you feel the same hopefulness that I do—if we do what we must do, then I have no doubt that all across the country, from Florida to Oregon, from Washington to Maine, the people will rise up in November, and John Kerry will be sworn in as President, and John Edwards will be sworn in as Vice President, and this country will reclaim its promise, and out of this long political darkness a brighter day will come.
        -Thank you very much everybody. God bless you. Thank you.
        -无畏的希望
    -The Audacity of Hope
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -Towards a Better Day
        -Good morning, President Taylor, Board of Trustees, faculty, parents, family, friends, the community of Galesburg, the Class of 1955—which I understand was out partying last night, and yet still showed up here on time—and most of all, the Class of 2005\. Congratulations on your graduation, and thank you, thank you for the honor of allowing me to be a part of it. Thank you also, Mr. President, for this honorary degree. It was only a couple of years ago that I stopped paying my student loans at law school. Had I known it was this easy, I would have run for the United States Senate earlier.
        -“Senator Obama, what is your place in history?”
        -But as I was thinking about the words to share with this class, about what’s next, about what’s possible, and what opportunities lie ahead, I actually think it’s not a bad question for you, the Class of 2005, to ask yourselves: “What will be your place in history?”
        -In other eras, across distant lands, this question could be answered with relative ease and certainty. As a servant in Rome, you knew you’d spend your life forced to build somebody else’s empire. As a peasant in 11th century China, you knew that no matter how hard you worked, the local warlord might come and take everything you had—and you also knew that famine might come knocking at the door. As a subject of King George, you knew that your freedom of worship and your freedom to speak and build your own life would be ultimately limited by the throne. And then America happened.
        -Have we failed at times? Absolutely. Will you occasionally fail when you embark on your own American journey? You surely will. But the test is not perfection. The true test of the American ideal is whether we’re able to recognize our failings and then rise together to meet the challenges of our time. Whether we allow ourselves to be shaped by events and history, or whether we act to shape them. Whether chance of birth or circumstance decides life’s big winners and losers, or whether we build a community where, at the very least, everyone has a chance to work hard, get ahead, and reach their dreams.
        -We have faced this choice before.
        -When the irrational exuberance[29] of the Roaring Twenties[30] came crashing down with the stock market, we had to decide: Do we follow the call of leaders who would do nothing, or the call of a leader who, perhaps because of his physical paralysis, refused to accept political paralysis? We chose to act, regulating the market, putting people back to work, expanding bargaining rights to include health care and secure retirement, and together we rose.
        -When World War II required the most massive home front mobilization in history and we needed every single American to lend a hand, we had to decide: Do we listen to skeptics who told us it wasn’t possible to produce that many tanks and planes? Or did we build Roosevelt’s Arsenal for Democracy[31] and grow our economy even further by providing our returning heroes with a chance to go to college and own their own home? Again, we chose to act, and again, we rose together.
        -Today, at the beginning of this young century, we have to decide again. But this time, it is your turn to choose. Here in Galesburg, you know what this new challenge is. You’ve seen it.
        -All of you, your first year in college saw what happened at 9/11\. It’s already been noted the degree to which your lives will be intertwined with the war on terrorism that currently is taking place. But what you’ve also seen, perhaps not as spectacularly, is the fact that when you drive by the old Maytag[32] plant around lunchtime, no one walks out anymore. I saw it during the campaign when I met union guys who worked at the plant for 20, 30 years and now wonder what they’re gonna do at the age of 55 without a pension or health care; when I met the man whose son needed a new liver but because he’d been laid off, didn’t know if he could afford to provide his child the care that he needed. It’s as if someone changed the rules in the middle of the game and no one bothered to tell these folks. And, in reality, the rules have changed.
        -It started with technology and automation that rendered entire occupations obsolete—when was the last time anybody here stood in line for the bank teller instead of going to the ATM, or talked to a switchboard operator? Then it continued when companies like Maytag were able to pick up and move their factories to some underdeveloped country where workers were a lot cheaper than they are in the United States.
        -As Tom Friedman points out in his new book, The World Is Flat, over the last decade or so, these forces—technology and globalization—have combined like never before. So that while most of us have been paying attention to how much easier technology has made our own lives—sending e-mails back and forth on our blackberries, surfing the Web on our cell phones, instant messaging with friends across the world—a quiet revolution has been breaking down barriers and connecting the world’s economies. Now business not only has the ability to move jobs wherever there’s a factory, but wherever there’s an internet connection. Countries like India and China realized this. They understand that they no longer need be just a source of cheap labor or cheap exports. They can compete with us on a global scale. The one resource they needed were skilled, educated workers. So they started schooling their kids earlier, longer, with a greater emphasis on math and science and technology, until their most talented students realize they don’t have to come to America to have a decent life—they can stay right where they are.
        -The result? China is graduating four times the number of engineers that the United States is graduating. Not only are those Maytag employees competing with Chinese and Indian and Indonesian and Mexican workers, you are too. Today, accounting firms are e-mailing your tax returns to workers in India who will figure them out and send them back to you as fast as any worker in Illinois or Indiana could. When you lose your luggage in Boston at an airport, tracking it down may involve a call to an agent in Bangalore, who will find it by making a phone call to Baltimore. Even the Associated Press has outsourced some of their jobs to writers all over the world who can send in a story at a click of a mouse.
        -As Prime Minister Tony Blair has said, in this new economy, “Talent is the 21st century wealth.” If you’ve got the skills, you’ve got the education, and you have the opportunity to upgrade and improve both, you’ll be able to compete and win anywhere. If not, the fall will be further and harder than it ever was before. So what do we do about this? How does America find its way in this new global economy? What will our place in history be?
        -Like so much of the American story, once again, we face a choice. Once again, there are those who believe that there isn’t much we can do about this as a nation. That the best idea is to give everyone one big refund on their government—divvy[33] it up by individual portions, in the form of tax breaks, hand it out, and encourage everyone to use their share to go buy their own health care, their own retirement plan, their own child care, their own education, and so on. In Washington, they call this the Ownership Society. But in our past there has been another term for it—Social Darwinism—every man or woman for him or herself. It’s a tempting idea, because it doesn’t require much thought or ingenuity. It allows us to say that those whose health care or tuition may rise faster than they can afford—tough luck. It allows us to say to the Maytag workers who have lost their job—life isn’t fair. It lets us say to the child who was born into poverty—pull yourself up by your bootstraps[34]. And it is especially tempting because each of us believes we will always be the winner in life’s lottery, that we’re the one who will be the next Donald Trump[35], or at least we won’t be the chump who Donald Trump says: “You’re fired!”
        -But there is a problem. It won’t work. It ignores our history. It ignores the fact that it’s been government research and investment that made the railways possible and the Internet possible. It’s been the creation of a massive middle class, through decent wages and benefits and public schools that allowed us all to prosper. Our economic dependence depended on individual initiative. It depended on a belief in the free market, but it also depended on our sense of mutual regard for each other, the idea that everybody has a stake in the country, that we’re all in it together and everybody’s got a shot at opportunity. That’s what’s produced our unrivaled political stability. And so if we do nothing in the face of globalization, more people will continue to lose their health care. Fewer kids will be able to afford the diploma you’re about to receive. More companies like United Airlines won’t be able to provide pensions for their employees. And those Maytag workers will be joined in the unemployment line by any worker whose skills can be bought and sold on the global market.
        -So today I’m here to tell you what most of you already know. This is not us—the option that I just mentioned. Doing nothing. It’s not how our story ends—not in this country. America is a land of big dreamers and big hopes. It’s this hope that has sustained us through revolution and Civil War, depression and World War, a struggle for civil and social rights and the brink of nuclear crisis. And it is because our dreamers dreamed that we have emerged from each challenge more united, more prosperous, and more admired than before.
        -So let’s dream. Instead of doing nothing or simply defending 20th century solutions, let’s imagine together what we could do to give every American a fighting chance in the 21st century. What if we prepared every child in America with the education and skills they need to compete in the new economy? If we made sure that college was affordable for everyone who wanted to go? If we walked up to those Maytag workers and we said, “Your old job is not coming back, but the new job will be there because we’re going to seriously retrain you and there’s life-long education that’s waiting for you—the sorts of opportunities that Knox has created with the Strong Futures scholarship program?”
        -What if no matter where you worked or how many times you switched jobs, you had health care and a pension that stayed with you always, so you all had the flexibility to move to a better job or start a new business? What if instead of cutting budgets for research and development and science, we fueled the genius and the innovation that will lead to the new jobs and new industries of the future? Right now, all across America, there are amazing discoveries being made. If we supported these discoveries on a national level, if we committed ourselves to investing in these possibilities, just imagine what it could do for a town like Galesburg. Ten or twenty years down the road, that old Maytag plant could re-open its doors as an ethanol[36] refinery that turned corn into fuel. Down the street, a biotechnology research lab could open up on the cusp[37] of discovering a cure for cancer. And across the way, a new auto company could be busy churning out[38] electric cars. The new jobs created would be filled by American workers trained with new skills and a world-class education.
        -All of that is possible but none of it will come easy. Every one of us is going to have to work more, read more, train more, think more. We will have to slough[39] off some bad habits—like [drive] driving gas guzzlers[40] that weaken our economy and feed our enemies abroad. Our children will have to turn off the TV set once in a while and put away the video games and start hitting the books[41]. We’ll have to reform institutions, like the public schools, that were designed for an earlier time. Republicans will have to recognize our collective responsibilities, even as Democrats recognize that we have to do more than just defend old programs.
        -It won’t be easy, but it can be done. It can be our future. We have the talents and resources and brainpower. But now we need the political will. We need a national commitment. And we need each of you.
        -Now, no one can force you to meet these challenges. If you want, it will be pretty easy for you to leave here today and not give another thought to towns like Galesburg and the challenges they face. There is no community service requirement in the real world; no one is forcing you to care. You can take your diploma, walk off this stage, and go chasing after the big house, and the nice suits, and all the other things that our money culture says that you should want, that you should aspire to, that you can buy. But I hope you don’t walk away from the challenge. Focusing your life solely on making a buck shows a certain poverty of ambition. It asks too little of yourself. You need to take up the challenges that we face as a nation and make them your own. Not because you have a debt to those who helped you get here, although you do have that debt. Not because you have an obligation to those who are less fortunate than you, although I think you do have that obligation. It’s primarily because you have an obligation to yourself. Because individual salvation has always depended on collective salvation. Because it’s only when you hitch your wagon to something larger than yourself that you realize your true potential.
        -And I know that all of you are wondering how you’ll do this; the challenges seem so big. They seem so difficult for one person to make a difference. But we know it can be done. Because where you’re sitting, in this very place, in this town, it happened before.
        -Nearly two centuries ago, before civil rights, before voting rights, before Abraham Lincoln, before the Civil War, before all of that, America was stained by the sin of slavery. In the sweltering heat of southern plantations, men and women who looked like me [could escape] could not escape the life of pain and servitude[42] in which they were sold. And yet, year after year, as this moral cancer ate away at the American ideals of liberty and equality, the nation was silent. [But its nation] But its people didn’t stay silent for long.
        -One by one, abolitionists emerged to tell their fellow Americans that this would not be our place in history—that this was not the America that had captured the imagination of the world. This resistance that they met was fierce, and some paid with their lives. But they would not be deterred, and they soon spread out across the country to fight for their cause. One man from New York went west, all the way to the prairies of Illinois to start a colony.
        -And here in Galesburg, freedom found a home. Here in Galesburg, the main depot for the Underground Railroad in Illinois, escaped slaves could roam freely on the streets and take shelter in people’s homes. And when their masters or the police would come for them, the people of this town would help them escape north, some literally carrying them in their arms to freedom.
        -Think about the risks that it involved. If you were caught abetting[43] a fugitive[44], you could be jailed or lynched[45]. It would have been simple for these townspeople to turn the other way, to go live their lives in a private peace. And yet, they didn’t do that. Why?
        -Because they knew that we were all Americans, that we were all brothers and sisters. The same reason that a century later, young men and women your age would take Freedom Rides[46] down south, to work for the Civil Rights movement. The same reason that black women would walk instead of ride a bus after a long day of doing somebody else’s laundry and cleaning somebody else’s kitchen. Because they were marching for freedom. Today, on this day of possibility, we stand in the shadow of a lanky[47], raw-boned man with little formal education who once took the stage at Old Main[48] and told the nation that if anyone did not believe the American principles of freedom and equality, that those principles were timeless and all-inclusive, they should go rip that page out of the Declaration of Independence.
        -My hope for all of you is that as you leave here today, you decide to keep these principles alive in your own life and in the life of this country. You will be tested. You won’t always succeed. But know that you have it within your power to try. That generations who have come before you faced these same fears and uncertainties in their own time. And that through our labor, through our collective labor, and God’s providence, and our willingness to shoulder each other’s burdens, America will continue on its precious journey towards that distant horizon, and a better day. Thank you so much, Class of 2005\. Congratulations on your graduation. Thank you.
        -走向更美好的明天
    -The Audacity of Hope
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -The American Promise
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -To Chairman Dean[49] and my great friend Dick Durbin[50], and to all my fellow citizens of this great nation: With profound gratitude and great humility, I accept your nomination for the presidency of the United States.
        -But the record’s clear: John McCain has voted with George Bush ninety percent of the time. Senator McCain likes to talk about judgment, but really, what does it say about your judgment when you think George Bush has been right more than ninety percent of the time? I don’t know about you, but I’m not ready to take a ten percent chance on change. The truth is, on issue after issue that would make a difference in your lives—on health care and education and the economy—Senator McCain has been anything but independent. He said that our economy has made “great progress” under this President. He said that the fundamentals of the economy are strong. And when one of his chief advisors—the man who wrote his economic plan—was talking about the anxiety Americans are feeling, he said that we were just suffering from a “mental recession,” and that we’ve become, and I quote, “a nation of whiners[63].” A nation of whiners? Tell that to the proud auto workers at a Michigan plant who, after they found out it was closing, kept showing up[64] every day and working as hard as ever, because they knew there were people who counted on the brakes that they made. Tell that to the military families who shoulder their burdens silently as they watch their loved ones leave for their third or fourth or fifth tour of duty. These are not whiners. They work hard and they give back and they keep going without complaint. These are the Americans that I know.
        -Now, I don’t believe that Senator McCain doesn’t care what’s going on in the lives of Americans. I just think he doesn’t know. Why else would he define middle-class as someone making under five million dollars a year? How else could he propose hundreds of billions in tax breaks for big corporations and oil companies but not one penny of tax relief to more than one hundred million Americans? How else could he offer a health care plan that would actually tax people’s benefits, or an education plan that would do nothing to help families pay for college, or a plan that would privatize Social Security and gamble your retirement? It’s not because John McCain doesn’t care. It’s because John McCain doesn’t get it.
        -For over two decades, he’s subscribed to[65] that old, discredited Republican philosophy—give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. In Washington, they call this the Ownership Society, but what it really means is—that you’re on your own. Out of work? Tough luck—you are on your own. No health care? The market will fix it—you are on your own. Born into poverty? Pull yourself up by your own bootstraps[66]—even if you don’t have boots. You’re on your own. Well, it’s time for them to own their failure. It’s time for us to change America. And that’s why I’m running for President of the United States.
        -You see, we Democrats have a very different measure of what constitutes progress in this country. We measure progress by how many people can find a job that pays the mortgage; whether you can put a little extra money away at the end of each month so you can someday watch your child receive her college diploma. We measure progress in the 23 million new jobs that were created when Bill Clinton was President—when the average American family saw its income go up $7,500 instead of go down $2,000 like it has under George Bush.
        -We measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires we have or the profits of the Fortune 500, but by whether someone with a good idea can take a risk and start a new business, or whether the waitress who lives on tips can take a day off to look after a sick kid without losing her job—an economy that honors the dignity of work. The fundamentals we use to measure economic strength are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great—a promise that is the only reason I am standing here tonight.
        -Because in the faces of those young veterans who come back from Iraq and Afghanistan, I see my grandfather, who signed up after Pearl Harbor, marched in Patton’s Army, and was rewarded by a grateful nation with the chance to go to college on the GI Bill[67]. In the face of that young student who sleeps just three hours before working the night shift, I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree; who once turned to food stamps[68] but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country with the help of student loans and scholarships.
        -When I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the South Side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local steel plant closed. And when I hear a woman talk about the difficulties of starting her own business, of making her way in the world, I think about my grandmother, who worked her way up from the secretarial pool to middle-management, despite years of being passed over[69] for promotions because she was a woman. She’s the one who taught me about hard work. She’s the one who put off buying a new car or a new dress for herself so that I could have a better life. She poured everything she had into me. And although she can no longer travel, I know that she’s watching tonight, and that tonight is her night as well.
        -Now, I don’t know what kind of lives John McCain thinks that celebrities lead, but this has been mine. These are my heroes. Theirs are the stories that shaped my life. And it is on behalf of them that I intend to win this election and keep our promise alive as President of the United States. What is that American promise?
        -It’s a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have the obligations, to treat each other with dignity and respect. It’s a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to[70] their responsibilities to create American jobs, to look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road.
        -Ours is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves—protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools and new roads and science and technology. Our government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who’s willing to work.
        -That’s the promise of America—the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother’s keeper; I am my sister’s keeper. That’s the promise we need to keep. That’s the change we need right now. So let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am President.
        -Change means a tax code that doesn’t reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and small businesses who deserve it. You know, unlike John McCain, I will stop giving tax breaks to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America.
        -I will eliminate capital gains taxes for the small businesses and the start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow. I will cut taxes for 95% of all working families. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.
        -Now is the time to finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible health care for every single American. If you have health care—If you have health care, my plan will lower your premiums. If you don’t, you’ll be able to get the same kind of coverage that members of Congress give themselves. And as someone who watched my mother argue with insurance companies while she lay in bed dying of cancer, I will make certain those companies stop discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most. Now is the time to help families with paid sick days and better family leave, because nobody in America should have to choose between keeping their job and caring for a sick child or ailing parent.
        -Now is the time to change our bankruptcy laws, so that your pensions are protected ahead of CEO bonuses; and the time to protect Social Security for future generations. And now is the time to keep the promise of equal pay for an equal day’s work, because I want my daughters to have exactly the same opportunities as your sons.
        -Now, many of these plans will cost money, which is why I’ve laid out how I’ll pay for every dime—by closing corporate loopholes[75] and tax havens that don’t help America grow. But I will also go through the federal budget, line by line, eliminating programs that no longer work and making the ones we do need work better and cost less—because we cannot meet twenty-first century challenges with a twentieth century bureaucracy. And Democrats, we must also admit that fulfilling America’s promise will require more than just money. It will require a renewed sense of responsibility from each of us to recover what John F. Kennedy called our “intellectual and moral strength.” Yes, government must lead on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and businesses more efficient. Yes, we must provide more ladders to success for young men who fall into lives of crime and despair. But we must also admit that programs alone can’t replace parents; that government can’t turn off the television and make a child do her homework; that fathers must take more responsibility to provide the love and guidance to their children.
        -Individual responsibility and mutual responsibility—that’s the essence of America’s promise. And just as we keep our promise to the next generation here at home, so must we keep America’s promise abroad. If John McCain wants to have a debate about who has the temperament, and judgment, to serve as the next Commander-in-Chief, that’s a debate I’m ready to have.
        -For while Senator McCain was turning his sights to Iraq just days after 9/11, I stood up and opposed this war, knowing that it would distract us from the real threats that we face. When John McCain said we could just “muddle through[76]” in Afghanistan, I argued for more resources and more troops to finish the fight against the terrorists who actually attacked us on 9/11, and made clear that we must take out Osama bin Laden[77] and his lieutenants if we have them in our sights. You know, John McCain likes to say that he’ll follow bin Laden to the Gates of Hell—but he won’t even follow him to the cave where he lives. And today as my call for a time frame to remove our troops from Iraq has been echoed by the Iraqi government and even the Bush Administration, even after we learned that Iraq has a $79 billion in surplus[78] while we’re wallowing in[79] deficits[80], John McCain stands alone in his stubborn refusal to end a misguided war.
        -That’s not the judgment we need. That won’t keep America safe. We need a President who can face the threats of the future, not keep grasping at the ideas of the past. You don’t defeat a terrorist network that operates in eighty countries by occupying Iraq. You don’t protect Israel and deter Iran just by talking tough in Washington. You can’t truly stand up for Georgia when you’ve strained our oldest alliances. If John McCain wants to follow George Bush with more tough talk and bad strategy, that is his choice—but that is not the change that America needs.
        -We are the party of Roosevelt. We are the party of Kennedy. So don’t tell me that Democrats won’t defend this country. Don’t tell me that Democrats won’t keep us safe. The Bush-McCain foreign policy has squandered[81] the legacy that generations of Americans—Democrats and Republicans—have built, and we are here to restore that legacy. As Commander-in-Chief, I will never hesitate to defend this nation, but I will only send our troops into harm’s way with a clear mission and a sacred commitment to give them the equipment they need in battle and the care and benefits they deserve when they come home.
        -I will end this war in Iraq responsibly, and finish the fight against al Qaeda[82] and the Taliban in Afghanistan. I will rebuild our military to meet future conflicts. But I will also renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and curb Russian aggression. I will build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the twenty-first century: terrorism and nuclear proliferation[83]; poverty and genocide[84]; climate change and disease. And I will restore our moral standing, so that America is once again that last, best hope for all who are called to the cause of freedom, who long for lives of peace, and who yearn for a better future. These are the policies I will pursue. And in the weeks ahead, I look forward to debating them with John McCain.
        -But what I will not do is suggest that the Senator takes his positions for political purposes. Because one of the things that we have to change in our politics is the idea that people cannot disagree without challenging each other’s character and each other’s patriotism. The times are too serious; the stakes are too high for this same partisan[85] playbook. So let us agree that patriotism has no party. I love this country, and so do you, and so does John McCain. The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America[86]—they have served the United States of America.
        -So I’ve got news for you, John McCain. We all put our country first. America, our work will not be easy. The challenges we face require tough choices, and Democrats as well as Republicans will need to cast off the worn-out ideas and politics of the past. For part of what has been lost, these past eight years can’t just be measured by lost wages or bigger trade deficits. What has also been lost is our sense of common purpose. And that’s what we have to restore.
        -We may not agree on abortion, but surely we can agree on reducing the number of unwanted pregnancies in this country. The reality of gun ownership may be different for hunters in rural Ohio than they are for those plagued by gang-violence in Cleveland, but don’t tell me we can’t uphold[87] the Second Amendment[88] while keeping AK-47s out of the hands of criminals. I know there are differences on same-sex marriage, but surely we can agree that our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters deserve to visit the person they love in the hospital and to live lives free of discrimination. The passions may fly on[89] immigration, but I don’t know anyone who benefits when a mother is separated from her infant child or an employer undercuts American wages by hiring illegal workers. This too is part of America’s promise—the promise of a democracy where we can find the strength and grace to bridge divides and unite in common effort. I know there are those who dismiss such beliefs as happy talk. They claim that our insistence on something larger, something firmer and more honest in our public life is just a Trojan Horse[90] for higher taxes and the abandonment of traditional values. And that’s to be expected. Because if you don’t have any fresh ideas, then you use stale tactics to scare the voters. If you don’t have a record to run on, then you paint your opponent as someone people should run from.
        -You make a big election about small things. And you know what—it’s worked before. Because it feeds into the cynicism we all have about government. When Washington doesn’t work, all its promises seem empty. If your hopes have been dashed again and again, then it’s best to stop hoping, and settle for what you already know.
        -I get it. I realize that I am not the likeliest candidate for this office. I don’t fit the typical pedigree[91], and I haven’t spent my career in the halls of Washington. But I stand before you tonight because all across America something is stirring. What the naysayers[92] don’t understand is that this election has never been about me. It’s about you.
        -For eighteen long months, you have stood up, one by one, and said enough to the politics of the past. You understand that in this election, the greatest risk we can take is to try the same old politics with the same old players and expect a different result. You have shown what history teaches us—that at defining moments like this one, the change we need doesn’t come from Washington. Change comes to Washington. Change happens because the American people demand it—because they rise up and insist on new ideas and new leadership, a new politics for a new time. America, this is one of those moments.
        -I believe that as hard as it will be, the change we need is coming. Because I’ve seen it. Because I’ve lived it. Because I’ve seen it in Illinois, when we provided health care to more children and moved more families from welfare to work. I’ve seen it in Washington, when we worked across party lines to open up government and hold lobbyists more accountable, to give better care for our veterans and keep nuclear weapons out of the hands of terrorists. And I’ve seen it in this campaign. In the young people who voted for the first time, and the young at heart, those who got involved again after a very long time. In the Republicans who never thought they’d pick up a Democratic ballot[93], but did. I’ve seen it in the workers who would rather cut their hours back a day—even though they can’t afford it—than see their friends lose their jobs, in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb, in the good neighbors who take a stranger in when a hurricane strikes and the floodwaters rise.
        -You know, this country of ours has more wealth than any nation, but that’s not what makes us rich. We have the most powerful military on Earth, but that’s not what makes us strong. Our universities and our culture are the envy of the world, but that’s not what keeps the world coming to our shores. Instead, it is that American spirit—that American promise—that pushes us forward even when the path is uncertain; that binds us together in spite of our differences; that makes us fix our eye not on what is seen, but what is unseen, that better place around the bend.
        -That promise is our greatest inheritance. It’s a promise I make to my daughters when I tuck them in at night, and a promise that you make to yours—a promise that has led immigrants to cross oceans and pioneers to travel west; a promise that led workers to picket lines[94], and women to reach for the ballot. And it is that promise that forty-five years ago today, brought Americans from every corner of this land to stand together on a Mall in Washington, before Lincoln’s Memorial, and hear a young preacher[95] from Georgia speak of his dream.
        -The men and women who gathered there could’ve heard many things. They could’ve heard words of anger and discord. They could’ve been told to succumb to[96] the fear and frustrations of so many dreams deferred. But what the people heard instead—people of every creed and color, from every walk of life—is that in America, our destiny is inextricably[97] linked. That together, our dreams can be one.
        -“We cannot walk alone,” the preacher cried. “And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back.” America, we cannot turn back. Not with so much work to be done. Not with so many children to educate, and so many veterans to care for. Not with an economy to fix and cities to rebuild and farms to save. Not with so many families to protect and so many lives to mend. America, we cannot turn back. We cannot walk alone. At this moment, in this election, we must pledge once more to march into the future. Let us keep that promise—that American promise—and in the words of Scripture, “hold firmly, without wavering, to the hope that we confess.”
        -Thank you. God Bless you, and God Bless the United States of America.
        -美国的承诺
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -A More Perfect Union
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -“We the people, in order to form a more perfect union ...”[98] Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America’s improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars, statesmen and patriots who had traveled across the ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their Declaration of Independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787. The document they produced was eventually signed, but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation’s original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate[99] until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least 20 more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations. Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution—a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.
        -And yet words on a parchment[100] would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed[101] their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part—through protests and struggles, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience[102], and always at great risk—to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time. This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this presidential campaign: to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring, and more prosperous America. I chose to run for President at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together, unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction: towards a better future for our children and our grandchildren. And this belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own story.
        -I’m the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton[103]’s army during World War II, and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I’ve gone to some of the best schools in America and I’ve lived in one of the world’s poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slave owners, an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles, and cousins of every race and every hue scattered across three continents. And for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on earth is my story even possible. It’s a story that hasn’t made me the most conventional of candidates. But it is a story that has seared[104] into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts—that out of many, we are truly one. Now throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans. This is not to say that race has not been an issue in this campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either “too black” or “not black enough.” We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary[105]. The press has scoured[106] every single exit poll[107] for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.
        -And yet, it’s only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn. On one end of the spectrum, we’ve heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action[108]; that it’s based solely on the desire of wild and wide-eyed[109] liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we’ve heard my former pastor, Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary[110] language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation and that rightly offend white and black alike. I’ve already condemned, in unequivocal[111] terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy, and in some cases, pain. For some, nagging questions remain: Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in the church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely, just as I’m sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis[112] with which you strongly disagree.
        -But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren’t simply controversial. They weren’t simply a religious leader’s efforts to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country, a view that sees white racism as endemic and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart[113] allies like Israel instead of emanating from the perverse[114] and hateful ideologies of radical Islam. As such, Reverend Wright’s comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems: two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis, and potentially devastating climate change—problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.
        -Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets[115] of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television sets and YouTube, if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures[116] being peddled[117] by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way. But the truth is, that isn’t all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another, to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a United States Marine[118], and who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries[119] in the country, and who over 30 years has led a church that serves the community by doing God’s work here on Earth—by housing the homeless, ministering[120] to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.
        -In my first book, Dreams from My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity, and it goes as follows:
        -That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety—the doctor and the welfare mom[125], the model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity’s services are full of raucous[126] laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing and clapping and screaming and shouting that may seem jarring[127] to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and, yes, the bitterness and biases that make up the black experience in America. And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions—the good and the bad—of the community that he has served diligently for so many years.
        -I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can disown my white grandmother, a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed her by on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe[128]. These people are part of me. And they are part of America, this country that I love.
        -Now, some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. And I suppose the politically safe thing to do would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank[129] or a demagogue[130], just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro[131], in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep, deep-seated bias. But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America: to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality. The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we’ve never really worked through, a part of our union that we have not yet made perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care or education or the need to find good jobs for every American.
        -Understanding … Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner[132] once wrote, “The past isn’t dead and buried. In fact, it isn’t even past.” We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist between the African-American community and the larger American community today can be traced directly to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow[133]. Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools. We still haven’t fixed them, 50 years after Brown versus Board of Education[134]. And the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today’s black and white students.
        -Legalized discrimination, where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA[135] mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or the fire department meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between blacks and whites and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persist in so many of today’s urban and rural communities. A lack of economic opportunity among black men and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one’s family contributed to the erosion of black families, a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods—parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up, building code enforcement—all helped create a cycle of violence, blight, and neglect that continues to haunt us. This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late ’50s and early ’60s, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What’s remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but how many men and women overcame the odds, how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.
        -But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn’t make it—those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations—those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing[136] in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their world view in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright’s generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away, nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years.
        -That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends, but it does find voice in the barbershop or the beauty shop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians to gin up votes along racial lines or to make up for a politician’s own failings. And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit[137] and in the pews[138]. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright’s sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour of American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive. Indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems. It keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity within the African-American community in our own condition. It prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful, and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots only serves to widen the chasm[139] of misunderstanding that exists between the races.
        -In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working and middle-class white Americans don’t feel that they’ve been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience. As far as they’re concerned, no one handed them anything; they built it from scratch. They’ve worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pensions dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and they feel their dreams slipping away. And in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero-sum game[140], in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town, when they hear an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed, when they’re told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudice, resentment builds over time. Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren’t always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus[141] claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism[142]. And just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits[143] of the middle class squeeze: a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns—this, too, widens the racial divide and blocks the path to understanding.
        -This is where we are right now. It’s a racial stalemate we’ve been stuck in for years. And contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naive as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle or with a single candidate, particularly … particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own. But I have asserted a firm conviction, a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people, that, working together, we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds and that, in fact, we have no choice—we have no choice if we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.
        -For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances, for better health care and better schools and better jobs, to the larger aspirations of all Americans—the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man who’s been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means also taking full responsibility for our own lives—by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism. They must always believe … They must always believe that they can write their own destiny. Ironically, this quintessentially[144] American—and, yes, conservative—notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright’s sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change. The profound mistake of Reverend Wright’s sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It’s that he spoke as if our society was static, as if no progress had been made, as if this country—a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black, Latino, Asian, rich, poor, young and old—is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. What we know, what we have seen, is that America can change. That is the true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope—the audacity to hope—for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.
        -Now, in the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination—and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past—that these things are real and must be addressed. Not just with words, but with deeds—by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams, that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper. In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more and nothing less than what all the world’s great religions demand: that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother’s keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister’s keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.
        -For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division and conflict and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle, as we did in the O. J. trial[145]; or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina[146]; or as fodder[147] for the nightly news. We can play Reverend Wright’s sermons on every channel every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on[148] some gaffe[149] by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she’s playing the race card; or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain[150] in the general election regardless of his policies. We can do that. But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we’ll be talking about some other distraction, and then another one, and then another one. And nothing will change.
        -That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, “Not this time.” This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native-American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can’t learn; that those kids who don’t look like us are somebody else’s problem. The children of America are not “those kids”—they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st-century economy. Not this time. This time we want to talk about how the lines in the emergency room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care, who don’t have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.
        -This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn’t look like you might take your job; it’s that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit. This time … This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that should’ve never been authorized and should’ve never been waged. And we want to talk about how we’ll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits that they have earned. I would not be running for President if I didn’t believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation—the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.
        -There’s one story in particular that I’d like to leave you with today, a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King’s birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta. There’s a young, 23-year-old woman, a white woman named Ashley Baia, who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She’d been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there. And Ashley said that when she was 9 years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that’s when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom. She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard[151] and relish sandwiches—because that was the cheapest way to eat. That’s the mind of a 9 year old. She did this for a year until her mom got better. And so Ashley told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she had joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.
        -Now, Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother’s problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn’t. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice. Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they’re supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and different reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who’s been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he’s there. And he doesn’t bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, “I am here because of Ashley.” “I’m here because of Ashley.”
        -Now, by itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children. But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the 221 years since a band of patriots signed that document right here in Philadelphia, that is where perfection begins. Thank you very much, everyone. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.
        -一个更完善的联邦
    -The Audacity of Hope
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -Change Has Come to America
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer. It’s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers[152] this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different, that their voices could be that difference.
        -It’s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Hispanic, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled—Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been just a collection of individuals or a collection of Red States and Blue States[153]: We are, and always will be, the United States of America.
        -It’s the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful, and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day. It’s been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this defining moment, change has come to America.
        -A little bit earlier this evening, I received an extraordinarily gracious[154] call from Senator McCain. Senator McCain fought long and hard in this campaign, and he’s fought even longer and harder for the country that he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine. We are better off[155] for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him; I congratulate Governor Palin[156] for all they have achieved, and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation’s promise in the months ahead. I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware, the Vice President-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.
        -And I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last sixteen years, the rock of our family, the love of my life, the nation’s next First Lady, Michelle Obama. Sasha and Malia, I love you both more than you can imagine, and you have earned the new puppy that’s coming with us to the White House. And while she’s no longer with us, I know my grandmother is watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight. I know that my debt to them is beyond measure. To my campaign manager, David Plouffe, the unsung[157] hero of this campaign, who’s built the best—the best political campaign, I think, in the history of the Unite States of America. To my chief strategist David Axelrod, who’s been a partner with me every step of the way. To the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics—you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you’ve sacrificed to get it done.
        -But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to—it belongs to you. It belongs to you. I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn’t start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington—it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.
        -It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give five dollars and ten dollars and twenty dollars to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation’s apathy[158], who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep; it grew strength from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching[159] heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers, and from the millions of Americans who volunteered, and organized, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people and for the people has not perished[160] from this Earth. This is your victory. And I know you didn’t do this just to win an election, and I know you didn’t do it for me. You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime—two wars, a planet in peril[161], the worst financial crisis in a century. Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they’ll make the mortgage, or pay their doctor’s bills, or save enough for their child’s education college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.
        -The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even in one term, but America—I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you—we as a people will get there. There will be setbacks and false starts[162]. There are many who won’t agree with every decision or policy I make as President, and we know that government can’t solve every problem. But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And above all, I will ask you to join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it’s been done in America for two-hundred and twenty-one years—block by block, brick by brick, calloused[163] hand by calloused hand.
        -What began twenty-one months ago in the depths of winter can not end on this autumn night. This victory alone is not the change we seek—it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were. It cannot happen without you, without a new spirit of service, a new spirit of sacrifice. So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism, of responsibility, where each of us resolves to pitch in[164] and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other. Let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything, it’s that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street[165] suffers—in this country, we rise or fall as one nation, as one people.
        -Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship[166] and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long. Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House[167]—a party founded on the values of self-reliance, individual liberty, and national unity. Those are values that we all share, and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress. As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, “We are not enemies, but friends... though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection.” And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn—I may not have won your vote tonight, but I hear your voices, I need your help, and I will be your President too. And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world—our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand. To those who would tear the world down—we will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security—we support you. And to all those who have wondered if America’s beacon still burns as bright—tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding hope.
        -That’s the true genius of America—that America can change. Our union can be perfected. What we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow. This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that’s on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She’s a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing—Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.
        -She was born just a generation past slavery, a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky, when someone like her couldn’t vote for two reasons—because she was a woman, and because of the color of her skin.
        -And tonight, I think about all that she’s seen throughout her century in America—the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can’t, and the people who pressed on with[168] that American creed: Yes we can. At a time when women’s voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes we can.
        -When there was despair in the dust bowl[169] and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal[170], new jobs, a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can. When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.
        -She was there for the buses in Montgomery[171], the hoses in Birmingham[172], a bridge in Selma[173], and a preacher from Atlanta[174] who told a people that “We shall overcome.” Yes we can. A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change. Yes we can.
        -America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves—if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made? This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time—to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth—that out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope; and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those who tell us that we can’t, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people:
        -Yes we can. Thank you. God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America.
        -美国的变革已经来临
        -如果还有人怀疑美国是否是一个凡事皆有可能的国家,还有人怀疑开国先辈的梦想在当今时代是否依然鲜活,还有人怀疑美国民主的力量,那么今晚就是答案。
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -Great Expectation
        -My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition. Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we the people have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears, and true to our founding documents.
        -So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans. That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of [175] some but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age.
        -Homes have been lost, jobs shed, businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly, our schools fail too many, and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet. These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable, but no less profound, is a sapping[176] of confidence across our land; a nagging[177] fear that America’s decline is inevitable, that the next generation must lower its sights.
        -Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious, and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America: They will be met. On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
        -On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances[178] and false promises, the recriminations[179] and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have strangled our politics.
        -We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things[180]. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness. In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given[181]. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted, for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things—some celebrated, but more often men and women obscure[182] in their labor—who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.
        -For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life. For us, they toiled[183] in sweatshops and settled the West, endured the lash[184] of the whip[185] and plowed the hard earth.
        -For us, they fought and died in places like Concord and Gettysburg, Normandy and Khe Sanh. Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
        -This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat[186], of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions—that time has surely passed.
        -We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort, even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We’ll begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we’ll work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat and roll back[194] the specter[195] of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense. And for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering[196] innocents, we say to you now that, “Our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken. You cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.”
        -For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus, and nonbelievers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth. And because we have tasted the bitter swill[197] of civil war and segregation and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in[198] a new era of peace. To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect.
        -To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict or blame their society’s ills on the West, know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history, but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
        -To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.
    -The Audacity of Hope
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -远大前程
    -The Audacity of Hope
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -A New Beginning
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -Thank you. Thank you. Thank you so much. Good afternoon. I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar[202] has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning; and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt’s advancement. And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I’m grateful for your hospitality and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. And I’m also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum[203] [Peace be upon you]. We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world, tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism[204] that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies[205] without regard to their own aspirations[206]. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.
        -So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and discord[207] must end.
    -The Audacity of Hope
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -全新的开端
    -The Audacity of Hope
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -Strength to Move Forward
    -The Audacity of Hope
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -前行的力量
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -We Have a Choice
        -And I ran for President because I saw that basic bargain slipping away. I began my career helping people in the shadow of a shuttered steel mill, at a time when too many good jobs were starting to move overseas. And by 2008, we had seen nearly a decade in which families struggled with costs that kept rising but paychecks that didn’t, folks racking up more and more debt just to make the mortgage or pay tuition, put gas in the car or food on the table. And when the house of cards[290] collapsed in the Great Recession, millions of innocent Americans lost their jobs, their homes, their life savings—a tragedy from which we’re still fighting to recover.
        -Now, I won’t pretend the path I’m offering is quick or easy. I never have. You didn’t elect me to tell you what you wanted to hear. You elected me to tell you the truth. And the truth is, it will take more than a few years for us to solve challenges that have built up over decades. It’ll require common effort, shared responsibility, and the kind of bold, persistent experimentation that Franklin Roosevelt pursued during the only crisis worse than this one. And by the way, those of us who carry on his party’s legacy should remember that not every problem can be remedied with another government program or dictate from Washington.
        -You can choose a future where more Americans have the chance to gain the skills they need to compete, no matter how old they are or how much money they have.
        -So help me. Help me recruit a hundred thousand math and science teachers within 10 years and improve early childhood education. Help give two million workers the chance to learn skills at their community college that will lead directly to a job. Help us work with colleges and universities to cut in half the growth of tuition costs over the next 10 years. We can meet that goal together. You can choose that future for America. That’s our future.
        -So now we have a choice. My opponent and his running mate are new to foreign policy. But from all that we’ve seen and heard, they want to take us back to an era of blustering and blundering that cost America so dearly. After all, you don’t call Russia our number one enemy—not al-Qaida, Russia—unless you’re still stuck in a Cold War mind warp. You might not be ready for diplomacy with Beijing if you can’t visit the Olympics without insulting our closest ally.
        -I refuse to go along with that, and as long as I’m President I never will. I refuse to ask middle-class families to give up their deductions for owning a home or raising their kids just to pay for another millionaire’s tax cut. I refuse to ask students to pay more for college or kick children out of Head Start programs to eliminate health insurance for millions of Americans who are poor and elderly or disabled—all so those with the most can pay less. I’m not going along with that.
        -We, the people, recognize that we have responsibilities as well as rights; that our destinies are bound together; that a freedom which asks only, what’s in it for me, a freedom without a commitment to others, a freedom without love or charity or duty or patriotism, is unworthy of our founding ideals and those who died in their defense. As citizens, we understand that America is not about what can be done for us. It’s about what can be done by us together, through the hard and frustrating but necessary work of self-government. That’s what we believe.
        -So you see, the election four years ago wasn’t about me. It was about you. My fellow citizens: You were the change. You’re the reason there’s a little girl with a heart disorder in Phoenix who’ll get the surgery she needs because an insurance company can’t limit her coverage. You did that. You’re the reason a young man in Colorado who never thought he’d be able to afford his dream of earning a medical degree is about to get that chance. You made that possible. You’re the reason a young immigrant who grew up here and went to school here and pledged allegiance to our flag will no longer be deported from the only country she’s ever called home; why selfless soldiers won’t be kicked out of the military because of who they are or who they love; why thousands of families have finally been able to say to the loved ones who served us so bravely: “Welcome home.” Welcome home. You did that. You did that. You did that.
        -And while I’m very proud of what we’ve achieved together, I’m far more mindful of my own failings—knowing exactly what Lincoln meant when he said, “I have been driven to my knees many times by the overwhelming conviction that I had no place else to go.”
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -我们可以选择
        -谢谢。谢谢。谢谢。非常感谢大家。谢谢。非常感谢大家。谢谢。非常感谢在座的各位。谢谢你们。 米歇尔,我非常爱你。几个夜晚以前,每个人都想起我是一个多么幸运的男人(此处是指两天前米歇尔在民主党代表大会上发表演说力挺奥巴马——编注)。马利亚和萨莎,我们为你们感到无比自豪。不过,你们一早还是得去上学。乔·拜登,你是我所能期盼的最优秀的副总统,也是我坚定忠诚的朋友,谢谢你。
        -主席女士、各位代表,我接受你们提名我为美国总统候选人。
        -The Best Is Yet to Come
        -I want to thank every American who participated in this election. Whether you voted for the very first time or waited in line for a very long time—by the way, we have to fix that; whether you pounded the pavement or picked up the phone; whether you held an Obama sign or a Romney[297] sign, you made your voice heard, and you made a difference. I just spoke with Governor Romney, and I congratulated him and Paul Ryan[298] on a hard-fought campaign. We may have battled fiercely, but it’s only because we love this country deeply, and we care so strongly about its future. From George[299] to Lenore[300] to their son Mitt, the Romney family has chosen to give back to America through public service, and that is a legacy that we honor and applaud tonight.
        -In the weeks ahead, I also look forward to sitting down with Governor Romney to talk about where we can work together to move this country forward. I want to thank my friend and partner of the last four years, America’s happy warrior—the best Vice President anybody could ever hope for—Joe Biden[301].
        -And I wouldn’t be the man I am today without the woman who agreed to marry me 20 years ago. Let me say this publicly—Michelle, I have never loved you more. I have never been prouder to watch the rest of America fall in love with you, too, as our nation’s First Lady. Sasha and Malia, before our very eyes, you’re growing up to become two strong, smart, beautiful young women, just like your mom. And I’m so proud of you guys. But I will say that for now, one dog is probably enough. To the best campaign team and volunteers in the history of politics—the best. The best ever. Some of you were new this time around, and some of you have been at my side since the very beginning. But all of you are family. No matter what you do or where you go from here, you will carry the memory of the history we made together, and you will have the lifelong appreciation of a grateful President. Thank you for believing all the way, through every hill, through every valley. You lifted me up the whole way. And I will always be grateful for everything that you’ve done and all the incredible work that you put in.
        -I know that political campaigns can sometimes seem small, even silly. And that provides plenty of fodder[302] for the cynics who tell us that politics is nothing more than a contest of egos, or the domain of special interests. But if you ever get the chance to talk to folks who turned out at our rallies, and crowded along a rope line in a high school gym, or saw folks working late at a campaign office in some tiny county far away from home, you’ll discover something else. You’ll hear the determination in the voice of a young field organizer who’s worked his way through college, and wants to make sure every child has that same opportunity. You’ll hear the pride in the voice of a volunteer who’s going door to door because her brother was finally hired when the local auto plant added another shift. You’ll hear the deep patriotism in the voice of a military spouse who’s working the phones late at night to make sure that no one who fights for this country ever has to fight for a job, or a roof over their head when they come home.
        -That’s why we do this. That’s what politics can be. That’s why elections matter. It’s not small; it’s big. It’s important. Democracy in a nation of 300 million can be noisy and messy and complicated. We have our own opinions. Each of us has deeply held beliefs. And when we go through tough times, when we make big decisions as a country, it necessarily stirs passions, stirs up controversy. That won’t change after tonight—and it shouldn’t. These arguments we have are a mark of our liberty, and we can never forget that as we speak, people in distant nations are risking their lives right now just for a chance to argue about the issues that matter, the chance to cast their ballots[303] like we did today.
        -But despite all our differences, most of us share certain hopes for America’s future. We want our kids to grow up in a country where they have access to the best schools and the best teachers—a country that lives up to[304] its legacy as the global leader in technology and discovery and innovation, with all the good jobs and new businesses that follow. We want our children to live in an America that isn’t burdened by debt; that isn’t weakened by inequality; that isn’t threatened by the destructive power of a warming planet.
        -We want to pass on a country that’s safe and respected and admired around the world; a nation that is defended by the strongest military on Earth and the best troops this world has ever known—but also a country that moves with confidence beyond this time of war to shape a peace that is built on the promise of freedom and dignity for every human being. We believe in a generous America; in a compassionate America; in a tolerant America, open to the dreams of an immigrant’s daughter who studies in our schools and pledges to our flag. To the young boy on the South Side of Chicago who sees a life beyond the nearest street corner. To the furniture worker’s child in North Carolina who wants to become a doctor or a scientist, an engineer or an entrepreneur, a diplomat or even a President. That’s the future we hope for. That’s the vision we share. That’s where we need to go. Forward. That’s where we need to go.
        -I am hopeful tonight because I have seen this spirit at work in America. I’ve seen it in the family business whose owners would rather cut their own pay than lay off their neighbors, and in the workers who would rather cut back their hours than see a friend lose a job. I’ve seen it in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb, and in those SEALs[306] who charged up the stairs into darkness and danger because they knew there was a buddy behind them, watching their back.
        -I’ve seen it on the shores of New Jersey and New York, where leaders from every party and level of government have swept aside their differences to help a community rebuild from the wreckage of a terrible storm. And I saw it just the other day in Mentor, Ohio, where a father told the story of his eight-year-old daughter, whose long battle with leukemia[307] nearly cost their family everything, had it not been for health care reform passing just a few months before the insurance company was about to stop paying for her care. I had an opportunity to not just talk to the father, but meet this incredible daughter of his. And when he spoke to the crowd, listening to that father’s story, every parent in that room had tears in their eyes, because we knew that little girl could be our own. And I know that every American wants her future to be just as bright.
        -That’s who we are. That’s the country I’m so proud to lead as your President. And tonight, despite all the hardship we’ve been through, despite all the frustrations of Washington, I’ve never been more hopeful about our future. I have never been more hopeful about America. And I ask you to sustain that hope. I’m not talking about blind optimism—the kind of hope that just ignores the enormity of the tasks ahead or the roadblocks that stand in our path. I’m not talking about the wishful idealism that allows us to just sit on the sidelines or shirk from a fight. I have always believed that hope is that stubborn thing inside us that insists, despite all the evidence to the contrary, that something better awaits us, so long as we have the courage to keep reaching, to keep working, to keep fighting.
        -America, I believe we can build on the progress we’ve made, and continue to fight for new jobs, and new opportunity, and new security for the middle class. I believe we can keep the promise of our founding—the idea that if you’re willing to work hard, it doesn’t matter who you are, or where you come from, or what you look like, or where you love—it doesn’t matter whether you’re black or white, or Hispanic or Asian, or Native American, or young or old, or rich or poor, abled, disabled, gay or straight—you can make it here in America if you’re willing to try. I believe we can seize this future together—because we are not as divided as our politics suggest; we’re not as cynical as the pundits believe; we are greater than the sum of our individual ambitions; and we remain more than a collection of red states and blue states. We are, and forever will be, the United States of America. And together, with your help, and God’s grace, we will continue our journey forward, and remind the world just why it is that we live in the greatest nation on Earth.
    -The Audacity of Hope
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -最美好的未来尚未到来
    -The Audacity of Hope
        -[1]Lincoln:亚伯拉罕·林肯(Abraham Lincoln,1809~1865),美国政治家,第16任总统(1861~1865),也是首位共和党总统。在其总统任内,美国爆发了内战,史称南北战争。林肯击败了南方分离势力,废除了奴隶制度,维护了国家的统一。但就在内战结束后不久,林肯不幸遇刺身亡。他是第一位遭到刺杀的美国总统,更是一位出身贫寒的伟大总统。2006年,亚伯拉罕·林肯被美国的权威期刊《大西洋月刊》评为影响美国的百名人物的第一名。 [2]beacon [ˈbiːkən] n. 灯塔
        -[3]rig [rɪɡ] n. 钻探平台,钻塔 [4]Patton:即乔治·史密思·巴顿(George Smith Patton Jr. , 1885~1945),是二次世界大战中最知名的美国将军。身为杰出的战场司令官和经验丰富的领袖,巴顿因其果断、坚定的性格而深受他手下将领的敬重。二次世界大战时,巴顿率领美军出入北非的荒漠、西西里的野外及欧洲的平原,参与了一系列的战役并取得了决定性的胜利。
        -[5]the GI Bill:即《军人权利法案》(The GI Bill of Rights),该法案的正式名称为《1944年军人复员法案》(The Servicemen’s Readjustment Act of 1944),该法案由美国总统罗斯福于1944年6月22日签署。在短短几年之内,这个新法的实施给美国社会与经济带来不少改变。该法案规定参与二次大战的军人可立即获得由失业保险支付的经济补贴,更重要的是,退伍军人可凭该法案获得多样化的教育机会(从在职训练到高等教育),并可获得充足的家庭或商业贷款帮助。 [6]FHA:abbr. The Federal Housing Administration 美国联邦住房管理局
        -[7]tuck in: (为孩子)掖好被褥 [8]retribution [retribution] n. 惩罚
        -[9]slander [slander] n. 诽谤 [10]John Kerry:约翰·福布斯·克里(John Forbes Kerry,1943~),美国民主党政治人物,及第68和现任美国国务卿。他于1985~2013年间担任代表马萨诸塞州的联邦参议员。克里是民主党在2004年的总统候选人,但败给了竞选连任的乔治·布什。2012年12月21日奥巴马提名克里为接替希拉里·克林顿的国务卿人选。克里于2013年2月1日起就任美国国务卿。
        -[11]VFW:abbr. Veterans of Foreign Wars 美国海外退伍军人 [12]round up:围捕
        -[13]E pluribus unum:拉丁语,译成英文即Out of many, one.(合众为一;万众合一)。 [14]peddler [ˈpedlə(r)] n. 传播者
        -[15]pundit [ˈpʌndɪt] n. 博学者,有学问的人;提出意见者 [16]Red States and Blue States:红州与蓝州是指美国历年来选举得票数分布的倾向。一般说来西部沿海和东北部沿海五大湖畔州份其选民投票倾向较支持民主党,故有蓝州之说;而南部沿海和中部则较倾向于投给共和党,故有红州之说。
        -[17]John Edwards:约翰·爱德华兹(1953~),2004年美国副总统候选人,曾角逐2008年美国总统选举民主党候选人,后宣布退出美国大选。 [18]pump-handle:<>使劲的握手
        -[19]janitor [ˈdʒænɪtə] n. 看门人 [20]Dirksen Office Building:德克森参议院办公大楼。该楼于1958年建成,位于美国华盛顿,是以伊利诺伊州少数党领袖埃弗里特·德克森(Everett Dirksen)的名字命名的。
        -[21] cool kids’table:“酷孩子”队伍。在美国,人们把一群看似很酷又十分受欢迎的孩子叫做“酷孩子”队伍,他们每天在一起吃饭、活动,别的孩子除非受到邀请才能加入他们。此处奥巴马是在开玩笑,借指美国参议院。 [22]gall [ɡɔːl] n. 大胆
        -[23]temerity [təˈmerəti] n. 鲁莽 [24]a more perfect Union:这个短语最早出现在美国《宪法》序言中,原文是“We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice ...”。
        -[25]subjugation [ˌsʌbdʒʊˈɡeɪʃ(ə)n] n. 征服 [26]calloused [ˈkæləst] adj. 长老茧的
        -[27]run roughshod over:肆意践踏 [28]bust up:破坏;使分裂
        -[29]exuberance [ɪɡˈzjuːbərəns] n. 快乐有活力的行为 [30]Roaring Twenties:兴旺的20年代,尤指第一次世界大战后的美国。
        -[31]Arsenal for Democracy:富兰克林·罗斯福曾于1940年12月9日在无线广播中喊出“Arsenal of Democracy”的口号,此处指罗斯福所提到的兵工厂。 [32]Maytag:指美国美泰克公司,始建于1893年,由最初的Maytag Washing Machine Company发展成如今的Maytag Corporation,主要销售家用和商用电器。
        -[33]divvy [ˈdɪvi] vi. 分摊(up) [34]pull yourself up by one’s (own) bootstraps:自力更生
        -[35]Donald Trump:唐纳德·特朗普(1946~),商人、作家、主持人,曾经是美国最具知名度的房地产商之一,著有《做生意的艺术》(Trump: The Art of the Deal)、《跟亿万富翁学思考》(Think Like a Champion: An Informal Education in Business and Life)等,现主持美国真人秀节目《飞黄腾达》(The Apprentice)。特朗普很少跟员工说“你被开除了!(You’re fired!)”,除非别人对他不忠,出卖了他。他认为“不忠是所有人性缺点中最卑劣的一种”。 [36]ethanol [ˈeθənɒl] n. 乙醇
        -[37]cusp [kʌsp] n. 尖端 [38]churn out:快速大量生产
        -[39]slough [slʌf] vi. 丢弃 [40]gas guzzler:油老虎,吃油车
        -[41]hit the books:用功学习 [42]servitude [ˈsɜː(r)vɪˌtjuːd] n. 奴役
        -[43]abet [əˈbet] vt. 煽动,教唆 [44]fugitive [ˈfjuːdʒətɪv] n. 逃犯
        -[45]lynch [lɪntʃ] vt. 对……以私刑绞死 [46]Freedom Ride:自由之行(指为争取公民权利,民权工作人员去美国南方各州乘坐实行种族隔离的交通车辆做示威性旅行)
        -[47]lanky [ˈlæŋki] adj. 瘦长的 [48]Old Main:诺克斯学院校园内最古老的建筑。1858年,亚伯拉罕·林肯(Abraham Lincoln)和斯蒂芬·道格拉斯(Stephen Douglas)曾在此就奴隶问题进行辩论。1961年美国内政员认定该旧址为国家历史遗迹。
        -[49]Chairman Dean:即霍华德·迪安(Howard Dean, 1948~),美国民主党全国委员会主席 [50]Dick Durbin:美国参议院多数党督导迪克·德宾(1944~),他是美国参议院中公开支持奥巴马参选总统的第一人。
        -[51]slate [sleɪt] n. 候选人名单;提名人名单 [52]make the case for:证明……有理由;提出有利于……的理由
        -[53]Ted Kennedy:特德·肯尼迪(1932~2009),马萨诸塞州的资深参议员,是美国已故前总统肯尼迪的兄弟,公开抨击布什总统和伊拉克战争最激烈的批评者之一,奥巴马的支持者,被奥巴马称为“美国政坛的巨人(a giant in American politics)”。 [54]Joe Biden:乔·拜登(1942~),美国第47任副总统,本演讲发表时为民主党副总统候选人,奥巴马的竞选搭档。
        -[55]Amtrak:美国铁路公司 [56]jeopardy [ˈdʒepə(r)di] n. 危险,危难
        -[57] defining moment:决定性时刻 [58]plummet [ˈplʌmɪt] vi. 骤降,暴跌;突然和大幅度地降低
        -[59]on the brink of:濒于 [60]choke up:哽咽
        -[61]Dick Cheney:迪克·切尼(1941~),美国前副总统(2000~2008),原名为理查德·布鲁斯·切尼(Richard Bruce Cheney),迪克·切尼是其昵称。 [62]John McCain:约翰·麦凯恩(1936~),2008年美国总统选举共和党提名的总统候选人。
        -[63]whiner [ˈwaɪˌnər] n. 啜泣者,悲嗥者,哀诉者 [64] show up:露面
        -[65]subscribe to:赞成,赞同,同意 [66]by your own bootstraps:比喻通过某人自己的努力
        -[67]the GI Bill:《军人权利法案》 [68] food stamp:发给失业者或低收入者的食品券
        -[69]pass over:忽略,省略 [70]live up to:实践,做到
        -[71]stopgap [stɒpˌɡæp] adj. 暂时的,临时的;权宜的 [72]retool [ˌriːˈtuːl] vi. 替换工具(给工厂配置一套新机器或工具)
        -[73]outsource [ˈaʊtˌsɔːs] vt. 外包 [74] settle for:满足于;勉强接受
        -[75]loophole [ˈluːpˌhəʊl] n. 漏洞 [76]muddle through:应付过去;muddle [ˈmʌd(ə)l] vi. 胡乱应付
        -[77]Osama bin Laden:奥萨马·本·拉登(1957~2011),是基地组织的首领,该组织被认为是全球性的恐怖组织。美国政府指控本·拉登组织的恐怖分子2001年9月11日劫持飞机撞击美国纽约世贸中心和华盛顿五角大楼,造成了2998人死亡。2011年5月1日,本·拉登在巴基斯坦被美国海豹特种队击毙。 [78]surplus [ˈsɜː(r)pləs] n. 顺差;盈余
        -[79]wallow in:沉溺于;wallow [ˈwɒləʊ] vi. 打滚;[喻]沉迷,颠簸 [80]deficit [ˈdefəsɪt] n. 逆差;赤字;亏损
        -[81]squander [ˈskwɒndə(r)] vt. 挥霍,浪费 [82]al Qaeda:基地组织。1988年,本·拉登在阿富汗建立了基地组织(又译卡达或凯达),成立之初,其目的是为了训练和指挥与入侵阿富汗的苏联军队战斗的阿富汗义勇军,但是从苏军撤退后的1991年前后开始,该组织将目标转为打倒美国和伊斯兰世界的“腐败政权”。
        -[83] proliferation [prəˌlɪfəˈreɪʃ(ə)n] n. 激增 [84]genocide [ˈdʒenəsaɪd] n. 有计划的灭种和屠杀
        -[85]partisan [ˌpɑː(r)tɪˈzæn] adj. 党派性的 [86]a Red America or a Blue America:红色代表共和党,蓝色代表民主党。
        -[87]uphold [ʌpˈhəʊld] vt. 支持,赞成 [88]the Second Amendment:《宪法第二修正案》,保护公民持枪的权利。1789 年,美国第一届国会召开之际,《宪法第二修正案》作为一项制约国会与总统联邦权利的平衡力量予以提交,并于1791年与另外九条宪法修正案一起获得批准,组成了美国《权利法案》(Bill of Rights)的前十条。《权利法案》的第二条(Second Amendment)规定人民“持有和携带武器的权利不受侵犯”。
        -[89]fly on:向……发脾气,猛烈袭击 [90]Trojan Horse:特洛伊木马,常指放置在敌人内部机构中有颠覆目的的集团或装置。
        -[91]pedigree [ˈpedɪɡriː] n. 家系,血统 [92]naysayer ['neɪˌseɪə] n. 反对者,否认者;老爱唱反调的人
        -[93]ballot [ˈbælət] n. (无记名)投票用纸;选票 [94] picket line:(工会罢工等时由纠察队等组成的)纠察线,警戒线
        -[95]a young preacher:指马丁·路德·金(1929~1968),美国著名的黑人民权领袖。该段指的是45年前马丁·路德·金在林肯纪念堂前发表了著名的演说“I Have a Dream”。 [96]succumb to:屈服于
        -[97]inextricably [ˌɪnɪkˈstrɪkəbli] adv. (绳结等)解不开地,分不开地 [98]出自美国宪法序言(Preamble to the United States Constitution),原文为:“We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.”
        -[99]stalemate [ˈsteɪlˌmeɪt] n. 僵持,僵局 [100]parchment [ˈpɑː(r)tʃmənt] n. 羊皮纸
        -[101]creed [kriːd] n. 宗教信条;教义 [102]civil disobedience:(以拒绝遵守政府法令、拒绝纳税、拒绝服兵役等方式进行的)非暴力反抗
        -[103]Patton:即乔治·史密斯·巴顿 [104]sear [sɪə(r)] vt. 烙上烙印
        -[105]primary [ˈpraɪməri] n. 初选 [106]scour [ˈskaʊə(r)] vt. 四处搜索;细查
        -[107]exit poll:(投票站)出口处民意调查 [108]affirmative action:〈美〉(鼓励雇佣少数民族成员及妇女等的)赞助性行动,积极措施
        -[109]wide-eyed [ˌwaɪdˈaɪd] adj. 天真的,轻信的 [110]incendiary [ɪnˈsendiəri] adj. 煽动性的
        -[111]unequivocal [ˌʌnɪˈkwɪvək(ə)l] adj. 毫不含糊的,清楚明白的 [112]rabbi [ˈræbaɪ] n. 拉比(指犹太教负责执行教规、律法并主持宗教仪式的人员或犹太教会众领袖)
        -[113]stalwart [ˈstɔːlwə(r)t] adj. 坚定的,坚决的 [114]perverse [pə(r)ˈvɜː(r)s] adj. 有悖常情的;恶意的
        -[115]snippet [ˈsnɪpɪt] n. [~s] (消息、新闻等的)片断,摘录 [116]caricature [ˈkærɪkətjʊə(r)] n. 夸张性的模仿,拙劣的模仿
        -[117]peddle [ˈped(ə)l] vt. 宣扬,散播 [118]Marine [məˈriːn] n. 美国海军陆战队士兵(或军官)
        -[119]seminary [ˈsemɪnəri] n. 神学院 [120]minister [ˈmɪnɪstə(r)] vi. 给予援助,给予照料
        -[121]David and Goliath:大卫和歌利亚。《圣经》中记载,歌利亚是非利士人,带兵进攻以色列军队,他拥有无穷的力量,所有人看到他都要退避三舍,不敢应战。最后,牧童大卫用投石弹弓打中歌利亚的额头,并割下他的首级。大卫日后统一以色列,成为著名的大卫王。 [122]Moses and Pharaoh:摩西和法老。据《圣经》记载,摩西受耶和华之命,率领被奴役的希伯来人逃离古埃及法老的统治,前往一块富饶的应许之地。在摩西的带领下,希伯来人摆脱了奴役的悲惨生活并学会遵守《十诫》。
        -[123]the Christians in the lion’s den:《圣经》记载,但以理(Daniel)受人陷害,被抛入狮穴中,但因心存信仰,他在狮穴中毫发无损。 [124]Ezekiel’s field of dry bones:《圣经》记载,以西结被耶和华的灵带到遍地枯骨的地方,使他看见枯骨生筋、长肉、覆皮直至复活的异象,表明了重生的希望。
        -[125]welfare mom:〈美〉福利母亲(指丈夫不给分居费而靠救济抚养子女的妇女) [126]raucous [ˈrɔːkəs] adj. 嘶哑的;喧闹的
        -[127]jarring [ˈdʒɑːrɪŋ] adj. 刺耳的,不和谐的 [128]cringe [krɪndʒ] vi. 畏缩
        -[129]crank [kræŋk] n. 〈美口〉脾气坏的人 [130]demagogue [ˈdeməɡɒɡ] n. 煽动者,蛊惑人心的政客
        -[131]Geraldine Ferraro:杰拉尔丁·费拉罗(1935~2011),美国第一位女副总统候选人,2008年美国民主党初选时希拉里·克林顿的支持者。 [132]William Faulkner:威廉·福克纳(1897~1962),美国作家,1949年获诺贝尔文学奖。
        -[133]Jim Crow:吉姆·克劳法(Jim Crow laws),泛指1876年至1965年间美国南部各州以及边境各州对有色人种(主要针对非裔美国人,但同时也包含其他族群)实行种族隔离制度的法律。 [134]Brown versus Board of Education:布朗诉教育委员会案。布朗是一位黑人女孩的父亲,他因女儿被拒绝与白人同校而对当地教育委员会提起诉讼,最终上诉到最高法院。最高法院将类似的几起案件一并审理,认为种族隔离的法律因为剥夺了黑人学童的入学权利而违宪,学童不得基于种族因素被拒绝入学。因为本判决的缘故,美国社会中存在已久的白人和黑人必须就读不同公立学校的种族隔离现象终止。
        -[135]FHA:美国联邦住房管理局 [136]languish [ˈlæŋɡwɪʃ] vi. 长期受苦;受折磨;变得(越来越)衰弱
        -[137]pulpit [ˈpʊlpɪt] n. 布道坛,讲坛 [138]pew [pjuː] n. 教堂内的靠背长凳
        -[139]chasm [ˈkæz(ə)m] n. (感情、意见、兴趣等的)大分歧,大差别 [140]zero-sum game:零和游戏,指一项游戏中游戏者有输有赢,一方所赢正是另一方所输,而游戏的总成绩永远为零。
        -[141]bogus [ˈbəʊɡəs] adj. 假的,伪造的 [142]reverse racism:〈美〉逆向种族歧视(由于采取强制性平等措施而在客观上形成的对白人利益的损害)
        -[143]culprit [ˈkʌlprɪt] n. 导致过错的人;引起不良后果的事物 [144]quintessentially [ˌkwɪntɪˈsenʃ(ə)li] adv. 典型地,标准地
        -[145]O. J. trial:辛普森案,指1994年美式橄榄球黑人运动员辛普森(O. J. Simpson)谋杀其妻子和另一男子的刑事案件。该案被称为美国历史上最受公众关注的刑事审判案件。 [146]Katrina:飓风卡特里娜(Hurricane Katrina),2005年8月出现的一个五级飓风,在美国新奥尔良造成了严重破坏。
        -[147]fodder [ˈfɒdə(r)] n. 素材 [148]pounce on:一把抓住并利用
        -[149]gaffe [ɡæf] n. (社交等场合的)失礼;失言;失态 [150]John McCain:约翰·麦凯恩
        -[151]mustard [ˈmʌstə(r)d] n. 芥末 [152]in numbers:大量的,为数众多的
        -[153]Red States and Blue States:红州与蓝州 [154]gracious [ˈɡreɪʃəs] adj. 亲切的,高尚的,得体的
        -[155]better off:经济状况好的,富裕的 [156]Palin:即Sarah Palin (1964~),阿肯色州的州长,此次总统大选共和党总统候选人麦凯恩的竞选搭档。
        -[157]unsung [ʌnˈsʌŋ] adj. 未被颂歌的,未被给予荣誉的 [158]apathy [ˈæpəθi] n. 缺乏感情或兴趣,冷漠
        -[159]scorching [ˈskɔː(r)tʃɪŋ] adj. 灼热的 [160]perish [ˈperɪʃ] vi. 毁灭,死亡,腐烂
        -[161]peril [ˈperəl] n. 危险 [162]false start:不成功的开始,弯路
        -[163]calloused [ˈkæləst] adj. 起老茧的 [164]pitch in:努力投入
        -[165]Main Street:[美](信仰美国传统价值观的)普通大众,老百姓 [166]partisanship [ˌpɑːtɪˈzænˌʃɪp] n. 党派性,党派偏见
        -[167]这里指林肯于1861年作为共和党的总统候选人当选为美国总统,林肯也是美国第一位来自共和党的总统。 [168]press on with:加紧,决心继续
        -[169]dust bowl:尘暴。这里是指1930年代美国南部大平原所经历的一场生态灾难。 [170]New Deal:即罗斯福政府实施的新政,是指1933年富兰克林·罗斯福就任美国总统后所实行的一系列经济政策,以增加政府对经济直接或间接干预的方式大大缓解了大萧条所带来的经济危机与社会矛盾,其核心是三个R:救济(Relief)、改革(Reform)和复兴(Recovery)。
        -[171]the buses in Montgomery:蒙哥马利的公车,说的是“蒙哥马利公车杯葛事件”(Montgomery Bus Boycott)。1955年的12月1日,黑人帕克斯(Rosa Parks)女士搭乘公车时拒绝向白人让座,根据当时阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利市的种族隔离法,她被警察逮捕了。该事件启动了美国黑人人权运动的巨轮。从帕克斯被捕后第四天开始,所有蒙哥马利的黑人团结起来拒绝乘坐公共汽车。在年轻的黑人牧师马丁·路德·金的带领下,这个抵制乘车运动持续了一年多。而帕克斯的诉讼一路打到最高法院。1956年11月13日最高法院宣判种族隔离法违宪,下令蒙市取消黑白分坐及黑人必须让座的规定。 [172]the hoses in Birmingham:伯明翰高压水枪,这里指“伯明翰运动”(Birmingham campaign)。1963年春天,马丁·路德·金在阿拉巴马州伯明翰领导了一场为黑人争取工作并反对禁止黑人在“白人餐馆”就餐的斗争。警察使用了凶猛的警犬和高压水龙头对付抗议的群众。全国人民通过电视看到了这一行为。人民愤怒了。当警察逮捕了马丁·路德·金以及许多学生,并且在拖往监狱的途中对他们进行殴打时,这一愤怒升级了。在狱中,马丁·路德·金写下了《来自伯明翰监狱的信》。他指出,人们既有遵守正义的法律的义务,也有反对非正义的法律的义务。《来自伯明翰监狱的信》引起了人们的广泛关注。人权领袖们一致认为,为了结束黑人二等公民的身份,必须在华盛顿特区举行一次抗议游行,以促使这一联邦法律的生成。他们推举马丁·路德·金为抗议游行后举行的集会的主要负责人。1963年8月28日,25万人聚集在林肯纪念碑前,在8月的烈日下倾听了他的著名演讲。
        -[173]a bridge in Selma:塞尔马的桥。在1965年的阿拉巴马州塞尔马地区,适龄投票的黑人只有20.1%获得了投票权,而且受到诸多限制。3月7日,塞尔马的黑人不满政府无理剥夺他们的投票权,决定游行到州首府蒙哥马利,但在经过埃蒙德佩图斯桥时,警察向游行队伍施放催泪弹,又用木棍殴打游行人士,结果造成100人伤亡的“埃盟德佩图斯桥惨剧”,史称“血腥星期天”。 [174]指马丁·路德·金。
        -[175]on the part of:就……而言;关于或就某一特定的人而言 [176]sap [sæp] vt. 使衰竭,逐渐侵蚀
        -[177]nag [næɡ] v. 不断地抱怨 [178]grievance [ˈɡriːv(ə)ns] n. 委屈,冤情,不平
        -[179]recrimination [rɪˌkrɪmɪˈneɪʃ(ə)n] n. 揭丑,反责 [180]此处奥巴马借用了《圣经》里的话,原文为:“When I was a child, I spoke as a child, I understood as a child, I thought as a child; but when I became a man, I put away childish things.”
        -[181]given [ˈɡɪv(ə)n] n. 假设的或想当然的事物 [182]obscure [əbˈskjʊə(r)] adj. 默默无闻的,身份卑微的
        -[183]toil [tɔɪl] vi. 苦干,跋涉,费力地做 [184]lash [læʃ] n. 鞭打,责骂,讽刺
        -[185]whip [wɪp] n. 鞭子,车夫 [186]stand pat:抵制或反对变革
        -[187]pick oneself up:跌倒后再爬起来 [188]grid [ɡrɪd] n. 输电线路
        -[189]wield [wiːld] vt. 驾轻就熟地使用(如武器、工具等);有效地行使、运用(如权力或影响) [190]consume [kənˈsjuːm] vt. 消耗;耗尽
        -[191]hold to account:使承担责任 [192]expedience [ɪkˈspiːdiəns] n. 方便,私利,权宜
        -[193]emanate [ˈeməneɪt] vi. 散发,发出,发源 [194]roll back:击退
        -[195]specter [ˈspektə(r)] n. 幽灵,妖怪,缭绕心头的恐惧或忧虑 [196]slaughter [ˈslɔːtə(r)] v. 屠宰,屠杀
        -[197]swill [swɪl] n. 馊水,污水;残羹剩饭 [198]usher in:开创
        -[199]levee [ˈlevi] n. 防洪堤,码头,大堤 [200]huddle [ˈhʌd(ə)l] v. 拥挤,卷缩,挤作一团
        -[201]falter [ˈfɔːltə(r)] vi. 支吾,蹒跚踉跄,摇摆 [202]Al-Azhar:指Al-Azhar University (爱资哈尔大学),建于公元972年,是开罗最古老的建筑之一,也是伊斯兰世界最古老的高等学府。
        -[203]Assalaamu alaykum:阿拉伯语,意为“愿真主赐予你们平安”。奥巴马是首位用阿拉伯语问候的美国总统。 [204]colonialism [kəˈləʊniəlɪzəm] n. 殖民主义;殖民政策
        -[205]proxy [ˈprɒksi] n. 代替者;替代物;傀儡 [206]aspiration [ˌæspəˈreɪʃn] n. 强烈的愿望,志向,抱负
        -[207]discord [ˈdɪskɔːd] n. 不合,争论,冲突 [208]eradicate [ɪˈrædɪkeɪt] vt. 根除;消灭;杜绝
        -[209]Qur’an[kəˈrɑːn] n. (伊斯兰教)《古兰经》(一译《可兰经》,亦作Koran) [210]conviction [kənˈvɪkʃn] n. 确信,深信;坚定的信仰
        -[211]azan [ɑːˈzɑːn] n. (伊斯兰教的)唱礼(由宣礼者从清真寺望月楼发出的公众祈祷召唤,通常每日五次) [212]Europe’s Renaissance and Enlightenment:欧洲文艺复兴运动和启蒙运动
        -[213]contemplation [ˌkɒntəmˈpleɪʃn] n. 沉思;(宗教徒的)敛心默祷 [214]Morocco:摩洛哥,北非国家,1956年3月2日自法国独立。
        -[215]Treaty of Tripoli:的黎波里条约。美国建国之初,由于没有强大的海军,因此被迫像欧洲国家一样向北非海盗国家缴纳贡金,而其与的黎波里签订的《的黎波里条约》,主要内容就是约定美国每年缴纳贡金100万美元,此外,还必须送给阿尔及尔“一艘新造的36门炮的快速战舰,每年还送一批价值211万美元的海军补给品”。 [216]John Adams:约翰·亚当斯(1735~1826),美国第一任副总统,其后接任乔治·华盛顿(George Washington)成为美国第二任总统。亚当斯是《美国独立宣言》(United States Declaration of Independence)的签署者之一,被美国人视为最重要的开国元勋之一。
        -[217]enmity [ˈenməti] n. 敌意,仇恨;敌对,不和 [218]tranquility [ˈtræŋkwɪl] n. 平稳;稳定
        -[219]they’ve won Nobel Prizes:1999年,拥有埃及、美国双重国籍的科学家艾哈迈德·泽维尔获得了诺贝尔化学奖。像艾哈迈德·泽维尔这样获得诺贝尔奖的美国穆斯林还有很多。 [220]our tallest building:美国迄今为止最高的建筑为威利斯塔(Willis Tower),原名希尔斯塔(Sears Tower),位于美国伊利诺伊州芝加哥市,于1973年建成。
        -[221]the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress:指非洲裔美国律师、政治人物基思·莫里斯·埃利森(Keith Maurice Ellison,1963~),现任明尼苏达州联邦众议员,2006年代表第五选区(明尼苏达州最大城明尼阿波利斯所在选区)当选,是美国史上首位及目前唯一一位信奉伊斯兰教的国会议员,也是明尼苏达州史上首位非洲裔国会议员。 [222]tThomas Jefferson:托马斯·杰斐逊(1743~1826),美国政治家、思想家、哲学家、科学家、教育家,第三任美国总统。他是美国独立战争期间的主要领导人之一,1776年,与约翰·亚当斯和本杰明·富兰克林(Benjamin Franklin)等共同起草了《美国独立宣言》。此后,他先后担任了美国第一任国务卿、第二任副总统和第三任总统,被视为美国历史上最杰出的总统之一。
        -[223]此处指2009年,在美国新泽西州埃塞克斯县某监狱工作的妇女伊薇特·贝尼耶(Yvette Besnier)因佩戴头巾而被解雇,美国司法部根据《1964年民权法案第七章》(Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964)中“基于种族、宗教、性别或者民族的歧视非法的雇佣实践”的相关内容而将该监狱告上了法庭,维护了伊薇特·贝尼耶的基本权利。 [224]slaughter [ˈslɔːtə(r)] vt. 屠杀;杀戮
        -[225]subjugate [ˈsʌbdʒuɡeɪt] vt. 压住;克制,抑制 [226]al Qaeda:基地组织
        -[227]affiliate [əˈfɪlieɪt] n. 成员;成员组织 [228]agonize [ˈæɡənaɪz] vt. 感到极度痛苦
        -[229]coalition [ˌkəʊəˈlɪʃn] n. 结合体;同盟 [230]irreconcilable [ɪˈrekənsaɪləbl] adj. 不可调和的;不相容的
        -[231]tyranny [ˈtɪrəni] n. 暴政,苛政;专制 [232]sovereignty [ˈsɒvrənti] n. 独立自主;主权
        -[233]patron [ˈpeɪtrən] n. (对获得自由的奴隶仍保留一定控制权的)主人 [234]unequivocally [ˌʌnɪˈkwɪvəkəli] adv. 毫不含糊地,清楚明白地,明确地
        -[235]prison at Guantanamo Bay:指关塔那摩监狱(Guantanamo Bay detention camp),是美国军方于2002年时在关塔那摩湾海军基地所设置的军事监狱,坐落于古巴关塔那摩湾沿岸。根据美方的说法,该拘留营内所关的都是被俘获的敌方战斗人员。 [236]persecute [ˈpɜːsɪkjuːt] vt. 虐待,残害;迫害
        -[237]anti-Semitism:反犹(主义),排犹(主义),仇犹(情绪) [238]Holocaust [ˈhɒləkɔːst] n. (第二次世界大战期间纳粹对犹太人的)大屠杀
        -[239]Buchenwald:布痕瓦尔德。德国西部一村庄,1937~1945年德国法西斯曾在此设立集中营,残酷屠杀了数万名反法西斯战士。 [240]Third Reich:【史】(德意志)第三帝国(指希特勒统治下的德国[1933~1845])
        -[241]stalemate [ˈsteɪlmeɪt] n. 僵持;僵局 [242]point fingers: (轻蔑地)指责
        -[243]roadmap:指中东和平“路线图”计划(Roadmap Peace Plan)。2002年6月,美国总统布什提出了一个中东和平计划。此后,联合国、欧盟、俄罗斯和美国中东问题四方会议代表在此基础上几经磋商,最终形成了中东和平“路线图”计划,并在2002年12月华盛顿会议上通过。2003年4月,中东问题四方会议代表分别向巴以双方递交了“路线图”计划文本,并公布了其内容。同年6月,巴以美三方在约旦红海港口城市亚喀巴举行峰会,宣布“路线图”计划正式启动。同年9月,巴以和谈中断,“路线图”计划搁浅。 [244]Hamas [ˈhæmæs] n. 哈马斯(巴勒斯坦宗教激进主义组织)
        -[245]devastate [ˈdevəsteɪt] vt. 破坏 [246]Arab Peace Initiative:阿拉伯和平倡议。2000年9月底,以色列强硬派领导人沙龙强行进入伊斯兰圣地阿克萨清真寺,引发了巴以间一场旷日持久的流血冲突。特别是沙龙2001年3月出任政府总理后,坚持推行强硬政策,导致巴以关系更加恶化,巴以和谈完全停顿。为促使巴以双方早日结束冲突,重启和谈,国际社会和阿拉伯各方一直进行积极斡旋,先后提出了埃约和平方案、米切尔报告和特尼特停火计划。但由于以色列的拒绝,这些计划均未能实施。2002年3月28日,第14次阿拉伯首脑会议在贝鲁特举行,会上沙特提出一项旨在最终结束阿以争端的和平新建议。经过磋商,会议发表了《贝鲁特宣言》(Beirut Declaration),并一致通过了以沙特中东和平新建议为基础的“阿拉伯和平倡议”。该倡议旨在最终解决阿以争端、实现中东地区公正和全面和平,得到了阿拉伯国家的一致支持。
        -[247]story of Isra:全称应为story of Isra and Mi,raj,即“夜行与登霄”,是伊斯兰教《古兰经》中记载的先知穆罕默德显现神迹的故事。在这个故事中,穆罕默德在麦加的克尔白天房休息,天使哲布勒伊来骑着白色飞马出现了,带着穆罕默德前往一处遥远的清真寺,和那里的其他先知一起祈祷,是为“夜行”。然后哲布勒伊和白色飞马又带着穆罕默德登上七重天,和更早的先知包括亚伯拉罕、摩西和耶稣对话,最后在哲布勒伊来的带领下和真主对话,是为“登霄”。 [248]tumultuous [tjuːˈmʌltʃuəs] adj. 骚乱的,骚动的;混乱的
        -[249]rectitude [ˈrektɪtjuːd] n. 操行端正,正直 [250]Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty:《核不扩散条约》(或译《不扩散核武器条约》《防止核扩散条约》),于1968年7月1日分别在华盛顿、莫斯科、伦敦开放签字,当时有59个国家签约加入。该条约的宗旨是防止核扩散,推动核裁军和促进和平利用核能的国际合作。该条约于1970年3月正式生效。
        -[251]coercion [kəʊˈɜːʃn] n. 高压统治 [252]Andalusia and Cordoba:安达卢西亚和科尔多瓦。安达卢西亚是西班牙最南边的一个地区,也是西班牙面积最大的一个地区。在被西班牙重新接管以前,安达卢西亚一直是阿拉伯帝国的一部分。当年首都设在大马士革的阿拉伯帝国将国土向东延伸到了西亚,向西拓展至大西洋,就连当年隔着海峡、偏于利比里亚半岛南部一隅的安达卢西亚也没有幸免,被收归于阿拉伯帝国的版图之中。正是在这样的历史背景下,当今的安达卢西亚融合了天主教、基督教、伊斯兰教等各种不同的宗教文化。而科尔多瓦在公元10世纪时曾是西方伊斯兰世界的都城,其中最重要的历史名胜建筑当属规模宏大的清真寺大教堂(Metzquita Catedral)。
        -[253]the Inquisition:(中世纪天主教审判异端信奉者的)宗教法庭;宗教裁判所 [254]devout [dɪˈvaʊt] adj. (人、行动等)虔诚的,虔敬的
        -[255]Maronite [ˈmærənaɪt] n. 【宗】(流行于黎巴嫩的天主教教派)马龙派教徒 [256]Copt [kɒpt] n. 科普特教徒。科普特教会是基督教东派教会之一。“科普特”一词是7世纪中叶阿拉伯人占领埃及时对埃及居民的称呼,后专指信奉科普特教派的基督徒。
        -[257]fault line:断层线;歧见分界线 [258]Sunni and Shia:逊尼派和什叶派。逊尼派是伊斯兰教的正统派,两派相互对立。什叶派只承认穆罕默德之婿阿里(Ali)及其后裔为合法继承者,拒绝承认前三代的哈里发(caliph)。
        -[259]zakat [ˈzakat] n. 【宗】天课,扎卡特(伊斯兰教“五功”之一,中国穆斯林称为“课功”,即伊斯兰教法定的施舍,或称“奉主命而定”的宗教赋税,又称“济贫税”) [260] eradicate [ɪˈrædɪkeɪt] vt. 根除;消灭;杜绝
        -[261] transcend [trænˈsend] vt. 超出,超越(经验、理性、信念等)的范围 [262] Torah:全部希伯来圣经;托拉
        -[263]tranquil [ˈtræŋkwɪl] adj. 平静的;安静的;安宁的 [264]unfurl [ˌʌnˈfɜːl] vt. 打开,展开,使旗招展
        -[265]tribute [ˈtrɪbjuːt] n. 颂辞,称赞 [266]reenlist [ˌriːɪnˈlɪst] vi. 再从军;延长服役期
        -[267]Eagle Scout: <> 雄鹰童子军,(得过21次奖章的)最高级童子军 [268]diffuse [dɪˈfjuːz] vt. 使分散
        -[269]veteran [ˈvetərən] n. 老兵,老战士;<>退伍军人 [270]Post-Traumatic Stress (Disorder):【医】创伤后应激障碍(略作PTSD)
        -[271]practitioner [prækˈtɪʃənə(r)] n. 执业者(尤指医师、律师等) [272]makeshift [ˈmeɪkʃɪft] adj. 权宜的;临时代用的
        -[273]tourniquet [ˈtʊənɪkeɪ] n. 【医】止血带,压脉器 [274]cynicism [ˈsɪnɪsɪzəm] n. 愤世嫉俗,不信世间有真和善,认为人心皆自私;怀疑,悲观
        -[275]valor [ˈvælə(r)] n. 勇武;勇气;英勇 [276]proposition [ˌprɒpəˈzɪʃn] n. (详细、慎重或具体的)提议,建议;<>提案
        -[277]Veterans Day:(美国为纪念两次世界大战中阵亡将士的)退伍军人节(11月11日,曾一度被改为10月份的第四个星期一) [278]the Gulf:波斯湾;波斯湾各国,海湾国家(指伊朗、伊拉克、科威特、沙特阿拉伯、巴林、卡塔尔、阿拉伯联合酋长国和阿曼等波斯湾沿岸产油诸国)
        -[279]tyranny [ˈtɪrəni] n. 暴政,苛政;专制 [280]testimony [ˈtestɪməni] n. 证据;证明
        -[281]perseverance [ˌpɜːsɪˈvɪərəns] n. 坚持不懈,锲而不舍 [282]eternity [ɪˈtɜːnəti] n. 不朽;永生
        -[283]wishful thinking:单凭主观愿望的想法,一厢情愿 [284]sound bite:(尤指广播或电视中某政治家的)演说[声明]录音片段
        -[285]an avalanche of:雪片般的,大量的;avalanche [ævəˌlɑːntʃ] n. 雪崩 [286]Patton:乔治·史密斯·巴顿
        -[287]corner office:字面意思为“角落办公室”,多用来指CEO、CFO、COO、CMO等高级管理职位。 [288]shot [ʃɒt] n. 〈口〉机会,可操胜算的赌注
        -[289]main street:指代一般的、普通的街道 [290]house of cards:不切实际的无法实现的计划;筹划不周难以成功的计划
        -[291]harness [ˈhɑː(r)nɪs] vt. 利用(自然力) [292]hoax [həʊks] n. 恶作剧
        -[293]gut [ɡʌt] v. 损毁(建筑物)的内部 [294]Joint Chiefs:参谋长联席会议成员。Joint Chiefs of Staff:美国参谋长联席会议,分布在美国各军事力量主要兵种的首长小组,其主要职能是兵种的协调和进行合作参谋。
        -[295]bipartisan [ˌbaɪpɑː(r)tɪˈzæn] adj. 两党的,代表两党的 [296]buy into (sth.):开始相信其他多数人都相信的事
        -[297]Romney:即威拉德·米特·罗姆尼(Willard Mitt Romney, 1947~),美国政治家,共和党人,马萨诸塞州第70任州长。2012年8月,罗姆尼被共和党提名为美国第45任总统候选人,在2012年11月的总统选举中挑战现任总统奥巴马,最终落败,与第45任总统之位失之交臂。 [298]Paul Ryan:保罗·瑞恩(1970~),美国国会众议院预算委员会共和党首席代表。2012年8月,瑞恩被共和党提名为美国第45任副总统候选人。
        -[299]George:即乔治·W·罗姆尼(George W. Romney, 1907~1995),威拉德·米特·罗姆尼的父亲,美国共和党政治家、企业家,曾参加1968年美国总统选举共和党党内初选。 [300]Lenore:即兰诺·罗姆尼(Lenore Romney, 1908~1998),威拉德·米特·罗姆尼的母亲,曾竞选过1970年美国参议院议员。
        -[301]Joe Biden:乔·拜登 [302]fodder [ˈfɒdə(r)] n. (创作的)素材
        -[303]ballot [ˈbælət] n. 选票;投票选举 [304]live up to:达到高标准;不辜负;实行;履行
        -[305]in fits and starts:断断续续地;间歇地 [306]SEALs:美国海豹突击队,隶属于美国海军,世界十大特种部队之一,正式成立于1962年。“海豹”(SEAL)是美军三栖突击队的别名,取sea (海)、air (空)、land (陆)之意。
        -[307]leukemia [luːˈkiːmiə] n. 【医】白血病
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